Showing posts with label Property Rights Australia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Property Rights Australia. Show all posts

Saturday, 7 November 2015

PRA: Disadvantage and Discernment




Condensed from the Chairman’s report at Property Rights Australia conference August 2015

STAND YOUR GROUND!
This was the rally cry, the motto that former PRA chairman John Purcell came up with a number of years back. The times suited it as there was a wave after wave of the theft of property rights and you lived in expectation of the super wave at every election cycle. Possibly life for PRA was a little simpler back in the ALP Beattie government years leading into the handover to Peter Beattie’s deputy Anna Bligh. The enemy was environmentalists and appeasement to them by government for cheap political gain.
After lecturing landowners for many years about the precautionary principle the Bligh government vigorously told landowners that they had no choice but to accept another business called coal seam gas laid over their properties. This new business was allowed to operate under an adaptive management principle. A term the then PRA chairman Ron Bahnisch called, “oxymoronic.”
The precautionary principle over the years has suffered misuse by some (not all) in the opposition to any new development by taking too far an endless litany of “what ifs.”  Sustainability is a word that can be problematic due to it being used in contexts that are not measurable; definitions designed to suit an outcome and the goalposts are able to be shifted at whim.
Adaptive management was an absolute joke; the admission that we know that there will be problems, we don’t know the solutions but somehow we will work it out as we go along. It was the height of hypocrisy that same government that bashed landowners over the head for so long with a big environmental stick could turn around so quickly and direct departmental staff in the blinkered support of both mining, CSG and supporting infrastructure.

Former PRA Chair John Purcell receiving Life Membership from the then Chair, Joanne Rea at the 2012 PRA conference

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PRA is developing a policy document called the No Disadvantage Principle. The disregard of people, their ability to make an income from their property, amenity of life, impacts that cause diminution of value, future external liabilities left to the landowner and reduced future use of the land – all these issues have continued on many fronts.

PRA calls on government to apply a No Disadvantage Principle test to all new legislation and policies that impact Landowners, particularly in relation to resource and environment impacts. If a community, industry or even an individual is placed at a disadvantage the policy or legislation should be amended and if this is not possible those affected should be fully compensated. No one should be left as collateral damage to what is thought to be at the time, “the greater good.”
Such a clear and unequivocal legislated rule would still allow economic development including mining and petroleum projects to operate, to generate wealth and jobs for the State and allow Government to legislate on environmental concerns for the public good but there would no longer be financially crippled victims sacrificed to achieve the desired goals.
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The polarising of the public debate in the area of mining and coal seam gas has proved very frustrating in recent years. It has suited the big players to throw insults at radical environmentalists on the one hand with a return taunt of “greedy multinational miners” which is played out in the metropolitan media. The debate may be city based but the physical location of projects is forgotten, on or near to rural property owners who on the most part are agricultural producers.

Let’s be clear PRA is no way anti mining. Resources are an important part of the economy. It has provided our society with the means to enjoy the standard of living we do today. Likely to be replaced as we advance into the future but we are dependent on mining for energy needs. What is often overlooked is the high end uses of oil & even coal for products that will ultimately prove far more valuable to us than burning up in an internal combustion engine. 
But make no mistake PRA will speak out against resource company’s actions and also against environmental organisations when the property owner’s rights are not respected.

Recent years has seen former adversaries saying very similar things about the coal seam gas invasion onto our properties. We may not be on the same path but we often find ourselves running a parallel path. This is occurring at the same time of increasing polarisation of the public debate.
In this new atmosphere PRA has to be very discerning. It is our role to stand up for the rights of landowners, not to make government happy, no matter its colour. PRA is by constitution apolitical. If there is an abuse of landowner rights we must speak up. We have witnessed CSG & some (not all) coal companies throw their weight around in callous disregard to the landowner and we have seen government make legislative changes that shifted unbalance in favour of resources blatantly further to their favour.

A steady hand & a discerning mind is needed. I see others in frustration shift to the thinking of the means justifies the end; it never does. One needs to be discerning about environmental groups who appear (& largely are) on the same page about CSG, but inevitably other agendas are crept in and promoted. There is also the increasing tiresome chatter of the eco-pessimist that from all developments the worst calamity is automatic.
Then we have another phenomenon to resist from those without direct connection to CSG localities where they assume because those “dam greenies” are saying something that it is automatically wrong and the CSG industry therefore are virtuous.

While it is certainly easy to find many examples of the extreme end of the environmental movement in their ‘the end justifies the means’ approach using alarmism, misinformation and even sabotage, it is simplistic to assume that everyone interested in environmental issues are deluded.

Those of us who are interested into the enquiry into the truth of a situation should resist the weakness that requires one to retreat to known absolutes and not allow new events to challenge one’s thinking. Sometime there are circumstances where you end up on a parallel course to others that are normally in opposition; it appears that some are so insecure in their own convictions that they create an artificial world of “East is East, and West is West, and never the twain shall meet”. “

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In conclusion, the call for discernment is for us, Property Rights Australia, its members and the board to make evidence based decisions and not be afraid to give voice to them no matter the company.
The call of recognising disadvantage is to government that by adopting the No Disadvantage Principle that no one is left as road kill on the highway of the common good.

NO DISADVANTAGE!
 
 
Previous published related article
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Thursday, 28 May 2015

PRA: Landowner denied rights must not be repeated


Photo sourced - The Chronicle
Premier Palaszczuk’s election campaign launch speech promise[1] to reinstate the repealed Vegetation Management Act (VMA) could almost be forgiven as being ill informed but now after 100 days in office for the Premier to outline it as a priority task to be achieved is highly alarming. In a letter to the Minister for Natural Resources & Mines Anthony Lynham, the Premier gave the direction to,[2] "Re-instate the vegetation protection laws repealed by the previous government to reduce the clearing of native vegetation” 


Property Rights Australia is most concerned that senior members of the Palaszczuk government, including the Premier herself, have failed to grasp that the VMA was not repealed but amended[3] and amended modestly at that. Unlike the over the top approach taken in resource legislation, the Newman government amendments to the VMA were restrained, responsible and restored basic tenets of our legal system; civil rights that the wider community take for granted but had been denied to landowners. There have been many column inches devoted to the horror of the reversal of the onus of proof under the so-called “bikie laws”[4] including by the Labor party.[5] Qld was the first jurisdiction in Australia to reverse the onus of proof[6] and it happened under the Beattie Labor government’s Vegetation Management Act.[7]  We expect this type of attack on the Justice system not to be repeated 

The current government should be wary of pressure by various “green groups” which are continually being proved to be lacking in substance or in touch with real situations impacting real people in Queensland at this time.  Activists with an environmental agenda have lost no time in getting in the governments ear with the incorrect notion that the VMA had been repealed and landclearing is again out of control.  Published articles by a group of academics calling themselves “concerned scientists”[8] show little scientific integrity, deceptive selection of the facts and exaggerated conclusions.  WWF in its latest Living Forests report[9] devote a whole chapter with the use of “projections” to forecast a resulting deforestation from changes to environment legislation.  WWF believes that your brigalow suckers are “critically important” and without a word about compensation of production loss to the landowner states the desire to see brigalow regrowth to mature for 30 years to provide wildlife habitat. Typically Dr Tim Seelig, Queensland Campaign Manager for the Wilderness Society makes gross exaggerations,[10]

”The LNP substantially weakened land clearing controls in Queensland, resulting in a return to large scale clearing and an impending tree clearing crisis on a massive scale.”

In responding to questions in the Queensland parliament on May 13 from the Member for Warrego Ann Leahy, Dr Lynham said that,[11] “we have no plans to change those specific portions such as the self-assessment criteria.”  PRA believes to revert back to the old arrangements of a deadly slow time frame to obtain permits to harvest the self-regenerating acacia mulga crucial for drought fodder would defy logic.[12]  

With 80% of Queensland in drought it is most likely graziers concerned for the welfare of their livestock; feeding mulga will most likely be the greatest contributor to any increase in the area of land clearing.[13] Mulga is well known for its ability to re-establish itself.
Gidgee trees are notorious for encroaching
Photo sourced ABC Rural - New tree clearing laws in Queensland

Going by where the most fervour of the radical environmentalist is directed, provision of clearing for high-value agriculture[14] is the area most at risk for attention by the Palaszczuk government. Tim Seelig in his dedicated vehemence says,[15]

“The LNP approved at least five massive land clearing projects in northern Queensland, including at Olive Vale. Those five projects total 113,000 hectares. Other approvals include almost 60,000 hectares at Strathmore Station in the Gulf Country.” 

To provide some perspective Qld is a large state covering 1,727,000 square kilometres with over 200 national parks covering 6.5 million hectares.[16]  Most agricultural production essential to feed our population by necessity occurs off land that is thinned of its vegetation or a large percentage cleared.  Land has been set aside for different purposes and its time environmentalists reserve full conservation management to National Parks only and don’t transfer these expectations to agricultural production systems. The introduction of the VMA caught large tracts of north Qld under developed with landowners uncompensated for declining production.  

Recently the federal member of Leichhardt, Warren Entsch, gave some perspective of the clearing being undertaken at Olive Vale calling activists claims, “emotional clap-trap.”[17]  Mr Entsch owned Olive Vale up to the early 2000’s said that,

“He believed the area to be cleared – which represents less than 10 per cent of the station – was mostly open country with few trees. 

“There’s not a lot of agricultural opportunities in Cape York, but those areas that have been identified through the scientific process are areas where we should be going, giving an economic opportunity for people living in the area,’’
 
It is rather inconvenient for the environmental activists the recent release of the international scientific paper, ‘Recent reversal in loss of global terrestrial biomass’[18]  that showed vegetation in Australia has actually increased with the encroachment of trees into grassland a key factor. Dr Bill Burrows in a 2013 paper, “Bushland at risk of continued tree and shrub thickening in Queensland” wrote,[19][20]

“Many other land types were, and remain, subject to increased “thickening” of the over-storey or sub-canopy tree and shrub cover, or both, over time. Likewise trees are actively encroaching on some native grasslands . Examples of this changing structure and composition of the vegetation include mulga thickening in country east of the Warrego River, gidgee encroachment onto Mitchell grasslands , increased eucalypt cover in the Desert Uplands and Central Highlands/Burdekin Catchment  and tea tree invasion of grasslands in Cape York. Even National Parks and reserves abutting grazing land are subject to ongoing tree thickening e.g. the disappearing grassy balds of the Bunya Mountains, acacias invading grasslands on Moorinya N.P. and rainforest invading wet sclerophyll forest in the wet tropics.”

 
Rural Queensland does not need a repeat of the full extent of the poor archaic Beattie Labor government legislation that was enforced in a vindictive, punitive manner.[21] [22]

 As stated by Premier Palaszczuk in her directive to Dr Lynham,[23] “it is important to achive the best outcomes for Queenslanders” and “to make all decisions and actions in the public interest”.  To reverse the current strict guidelines already in place for tree clearing in Queensland will not deliver the best outcomes for Queenslanders and as seen in the past, replacing cooperation with coercion and heavy-handed administration creates more problems and is not effective or productive.
Another downgrade in crop yield is possible
Photo sourced ABC Rural - the hot issues as Queensland

 
PRA has been aware and is highly concerned that in recent months of DNR&M staff appear to have been given directives to find someone to hold up as an errant example to what would appear to be an excuse to review the current tree clearing legislation to appease election promises made to green groups.  Legal firm Ferrier & Co principle Tom Marland recently made the statement based on evidence from a number of clients who have been subjected to formal inspections last month that,[24]

“it was clear from the imagery and mapping that DNRM were not inspecting irregularities but were inspecting properties to support prosecutions.

“DNRM have sufficient information to determine whether charges should be laid. The purpose to inspect and speak with landholders is to falsely obtain a confession or some form of omission of guilt.”
 
PRA strongly advises landowners that if departmental staff approaches them on a land clearing matter to immediately seek legal advice. In these circumstances usual country hospitality and openness should not apply.


Previous published related article
 


Saturday, 28 February 2015

Strength in Diversity

Speech at the Unity Action Symposium, Chinchilla, February 28 2015 by PRA chairman Dale Stiller


The topic of this talk is ‘Strength in Diversity’ which is a look at the core principles common to the different organisations or groups, how an united approach of diverse groups  can help present a strong image and effect change  against how the coal seam gas industry is currently allowed to operate.

Let us start with the most important point, something I want you to keep in mind as this talk progresses. No matter what organisation you have thrown your hat in with it is not the organisation that is most important but the people it helps to support.

As soon as a society allows a minority or even an individual to be collateral damage for the likes of an economic benefit or even what appears to be a worthy cause then it is operating on an ethically deficient basis.

The coal seam gas industry has been given priority for almost unrestricted development at considerable haste at the cost of landowners and the productivity of agricultural lands.[1] Some mining companies are also not operating as good corporate citizens.  Also needed for these new resource projects is the necessary infrastructure and the government corporation Powerlink[2] delivering high voltage transmission lines was the worst of all to deal with

Each organisation has found it difficult to find acceptable outcomes for individuals who at no fault of their own are victims of circumstances supported by a bloody minded attitude of governments who are failing to govern for all.

A simple workable low cost solution is available to solve Bill & Lyn Dahlheimer’s[3] understandable desire to retire before they are frail & elderly but it has been ignored. Kylie Haeusler is discarded as collateral damage[4] fallen between the legislative cracks; the Chinchilla Jenkyn[5] & Nothdurft[6] families and others have an amenity of life that poor you wouldn’t wish it on your worst enemy. A Georgetown cattleman[7] had a fence erected across his access road by a small gold mining outfit in October 2013. It is still there and causing massive financial difficulties. A Central Queensland woman is offered compensation only a sixth of the properties true worth by a new coal mine. Both of these last two cases were forced to go to court at huge cost to the landowner.

People have been placed in a situation of disadvantage.[8] The system is not only failing, it has been designed to work against landowners. I talk to many people like this and as the chair of an organisation set up to help people I often feel inadequate. The best thing I can and anyone can to help someone else is to listen and to stand by them offering moral support as together you seek a solution .

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As individuals we are often inadequate in one aspect or the other. We each have some skills and as we come together in groups and organisations we complement each other’s skills

Even in the different groups we have our own strengths & weaknesses. For part of this presentation I will talk about some of the recent history of PRA not with the aim of promotion for what I will say will include weaknesses, but with the aim of illustration to support the topic of this presentation, ‘Strength in Diversity’.

Today is called the Unity Action Symposium, with the call to Unite for the future. This could be seen as a call to unite into one single super group. After all the pooling of a greater number of people will draw together a greater amount of talent and isn’t it the case that politics is a numbers game and politicians are always looking at numbers of voters who may vote for or against them?

I will return and give you my view on this later.

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Before I get too far I must inform you that you have been warned that you should not listen to me as these words by a prominent figure in December 2010 indicate:

“The PRA example is exactly what we must avoid in addressing the CSG issues.”[9]

I’m sure this audience will take seriously the words of the now former Deputy Premier and Minister for State Development, Infrastructure and Planning, Jeff Seeney.


This attack came completely out of the blue in an opinion piece published in the Queensland Country Life in December 2010. Remember that the LNP were in opposition at the time, not gaining office until early 2012. PRA had not addressed any comment to the opposition, in fact PRA at far as I know had no recent contact all with Mr Seeney. PRA had been with increasing persistency bringing to the then governments attention and to the general public what landowners were being subjected to in what appeared to be a blind rush to roll out this new industry, Coal Seam Gas. People were being disadvantaged.
Mr Seeney wrote:
“it is clearly absurd to suggest a reality check of the CSG industry's operation over the past 10 years is an appalling idea”
And
“In regard to the CSG issues we can build a creditable case on demonstratable facts and verifiable mainstream science that will withstand any reality check” 

The then PRA chairman, Ron Bahnisch, asked for and was granted a right of reply and so in the next week’s publication Ron wrote with these words directed at Mr Seeney:[10]

“Let’s see him “build a credible case on demonstrable facts and verifiable main stream science that will withstand any reality check” in the CSG mining industry.

Labor minister Robertson is much closer to the unfortunate reality by claiming to proceed with the oxymoronic “adaptive precautionary principle”.

There lies the nub and the core of the dilemma. Neither position is obtainable or sustainable.”

Ron later in his opinion article wrote about CSG:

“The risks of coal seam gas extraction are real, otherwise there would be no need for the complex regulatory controls that have been imposed.

The major problem is that if damage occurs, it will be almost impossible to remedy, and that remedy will depend on the government of the day - no matter what colour” 
These two opinion articles and the comments published at the Rural Press farmonline web site together make for an interesting case study from which many points could be extracted for example Ron writes about the effectiveness of small interest groups to bring about government legislative change.

Mr Seeney correctly stated that

“PRA was formed in response to the shameful injustices of the Vegetation Management Act and the new organisation received a lot of early support from landholders.”

By his opinion article it appeared that he did not want PRA to bring its focus on the shameful injustices being perpetrated upon landholders, at the time in 2010 the Bligh Labor government and what was to come in 2012 the following Newman LNP government, by allowing the unrestricted access to the resource to multinational coal seam gas companies.

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I have shown an unflattering light on Mr Seeney of the LNP in this talk but I will now also give condemnation to the contempt shown to landowners and primary producers by the Beattie/ Bligh Labor governments over a 20 year period. Bear with me as I am laying this groundwork to bring across later in this talk the points that are directed to the title, “Strength in Diversity’. Understanding this 20 year period of recent Queensland political history is important to understanding the response to the coal seam gas industry.

From this time comes the at times awkward tension that exists between some of groups who now find themselves on parallel paths advocating against CSG injustice. [11]

It was in this time that the highly commendable work of past departments of agriculture was gutted, agency staff either reemployed or made redundant and extension work largely abandoned. It may be in the best intentions that Agforce the agricultural sector’s peak body took on government contracts to disseminate information. The government got what it wanted the money funded the facilitation of policy unpopular with farmers; it was a lot cheaper than properly funding the department and they got a tamer peak body. It may be for the best of intentions but in accepting a funding stream beyond anything dream possible before, it became hard to yell too hard when latched onto the teat. This became so evident in the wake of the Newman government passing the appalling Mineral & Energy Resources (Common Provisions) Act that in an unprecedented move the Queensland Country Life editorial questioned the “deafening silence”[12] on the part of Agforce. 

I sincerely hope that such silence is a thing of the past.

It was from this time that trust was destroyed between the agricultural sector and government and the cooperation & innovation between farmers and the agriculture department was lost to a department of Natural Resources and mines later to become the super department of DERM where staff were directed to dictate policy, coerce and prosecute.[13]

People not aware of this past have speculated to why Queensland farmers capitulated in the face of the CSG onslaught. Amongst other reasons it is because they felt abandoned by anyone in government to look after their interests and the peak body was providing “education” to how to adapt to the living with the CSG machine.  Most of the landowners who signed contracts with a CSG company did not do so because they were happy with the industry as the likes of APPEA falsely propagate but because of seeing no other possibility than to get the best deal that they could which was often inadequate.
What was motivating Mr Seeney from the opposition benches in December 2010 to write this opinion article to which online commenters were “mystified”, “puzzled” and asked “what point are you making”.  The future revealed a Newman LNP government making legislative change at the same break neck speed that the Bligh Labor government set loose the CSG monster. All of the various groups trying to ensure a better future for landowners disadvantaged by CSG were buried in submission writing. Not only were resource base legislation introduced or amended but also Planning Acts and also the Water Act blatantly moulded to best suit the unrestricted progress of resource projects.


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I am keen to obtain & read a book reviewed in July 2013 by an online friend, retired newspaper editor, John Mikkelsen.  The book review is called ‘Mining captures politics’[14] and John writes:

“GOVERNMENTS change but the politics surrounding mining and resource developments don’t, according to the author of a controversial new book about to be launched in Gladstone. ‘Road to Exploitation’ subtitled ‘Political Capture by Mining in Queensland’ follows years of pains-taking research.

“The book authenticates not only landholders’ concerns about coal and CSG's unacceptable impacts upon their strategic cropping land and aquifers, but also concerns about damage to Gladstone Harbour's ecology through examples of sweetheart deals entered into by Cabinet that bound the government's regulatory and administrative agencies to policies of minimum compliance, lack of regulatory enforcement, false benchmarking of the science and eventually, abandonment of co-existence with behind the scenes resignation of unavoidable impacts.

“The book's contents and documentation justify the title and demonstrate this principle: Capture executive government in Queensland and the regulatory and administrative processes are captured as well”.”

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It was in 2010 that Basin Sustainability Alliance[15] was formed and so was Lock the Gate; so why weren’t these two organisations given the blow torch as well.

The following is a series of assumptions on my part but I am assuming that BSA may not have come onto Mr Seeney’s radar as yet, which may have been a mistake as BSA was to lay a good foundation in its first year under its ‘Not at any cost’ motto.  More recently under David Hamilton’s leadership BSA was to refine the technique of polite but firm correspondence with political leaders; patient probing investigation accumulating knowledge and maintaining a highly credible appearance. In all of these things BSA does better than any other landowner advocate group that focuses on CSG.

I’m assuming that it may have been thought that any influence of the newly fledged Lock the Gate could be negated because of one of its founding members, Drew Hutton[16], who had a high profile as a former leader of the Queensland Greens party and association with various environmental causes. But Drew had a political savvy lacking in any rural based advocacy group leadership and importantly metropolitan media contacts. To get a rural based story into the metropolitan media was and remains difficult. Lock to the Gate is a simple message to sell that has appeal to an urban audience and a lot more people got to know about CSG, the potential impacts and the disadvantage placed upon landowners.
PRA came under attack in December 2010 because it could not be pigeon holed as an environmental group and also it had a very successful track record of legal action against DERM with 12 wins out of 13 court cases. To be clear PRA isn’t anti- environment rather pro supporting disadvantaged landowners. Repeating what I said earlier; as soon as a society allows a minority or even an individual to be collateral damage for the likes of an economic benefit or even what appears to be a worthy cause then it is operating on ethically deficient basis.  PRA advocated on behalf of people using the two pillars of science and specialist legal opinion. PRA also has a maxim that if the government or the majority of the population wanted something that caused disadvantage to landowners - then pay for it.

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Over the last 12 months there been a concerted effort to polarise the debate about coal seam gas. Directed largely at the urban population, resource advocacy groups APPEA & Queensland Resources Council together with Newman government ministers have taken pains to promote the concept that only radical greenies were against coal seam gas. Landowners especially those disadvantaged were carefully not mentioned. Remember the defence of the indefensible M&ER Common Provisions Act in September last year with government ministers repeating that “only radical greenies” had a problem with the new Act.[17]

Andrew Cripps the Minister for Natural Resource & Mines sounded more and more ludicrous as time went on especially this exchange recorded for prosperity in Hansard:[18]

“Mr Cripps: Some of the objections put forward by the member for South Brisbane, the member for Bundamba and repeated by the member for Stafford and some members of the crossbench I am really frustrated with because they consistently repeated a falsehood that has been perpetuated, as I said on a number of occasions during my second reading contribution, by green activist groups and by certain legal firms and they are just as much to blame for perpetuating the myth.

Ms Trad: So AgForce is to blame for perpetuating a myth?

Mr CRIPPS: They are perpetuating a myth. I am happy to go on record that it is not just AgForce, but Cotton Australia and the Queensland Farmers Federation are perpetuating a myth.

Ms Trad: Well done, Minister. Congratulations. “

 Earlier when the Common Provisions bill was before the Parliamentary Committee there was only one hearing date appearing on the committee’s web page and no landowner or rural advocacy groups had been invited; however the Environmental Defenders Office had been. Agforce, Basin Sustainability Alliance, Cotton Australia, Shine Lawyers, EDO Qld and Qld Farmers Federation met prior to the hearing and produced an 8 point communique[19] for EDO to table at the hearing on behalf of all these organisations.

This united approach resulted in 3 more hearing being scheduled and also a very interesting response from Michael Roache of QRC who sent emails to each rural advocacy group who took part. By kind permission of David Hamilton to whom it was sent and also the current BSA president Lyn Nicholson I can reveal that Roache appeared to be quite worried by this joint approach and stated a preference of deal with each organisation individually. Micheal Roache wrote in part:
“it was hard not to feel an element of ambush in EDO tabling such a "consensus document".  I would have hoped that each of you would have felt comfortable approaching QRC with any concerns and would urge you to do so in the future.”
It’s an astonishing plead to return to the good old days of resource companies dividing and conquering. This is the case where the divide or diversity of advocacy organisations coming together on core principles proved to be powerful.

Last month a researcher from the Melbourne University, Steven Burge, was intervening landowners and others in the Surat basin about CSG. I asked for Stevens’s permission to use this quote of his in this talk as it shows the advantage of having a diverse range of voices speaking out about CSG.

“The reason that first gave me a very good indication that something was amiss with the development of the CSG industry was that it wasn’t just one section being vocal about it. If it was only groups who have in the past championed environmental causes being active it could be taken as nothing out of the ordinary. But there was a whole spectrum of different community sectors speaking out, some of which are normally seen as quite conservative and reluctant activists.”

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Small local community groups are important that brings together the community of local landowners for moral support. Some groups even demand that resource or infrastructure project proponents negotiate with the group as a whole in the initial stages so that a base standard is met and that impacts to the community as a whole are minimised. This is a powerful tool, one the resource companies do not like, who much prefer the age old tactic of divide and conquer. Our hosts today, the Hopeland Community group[20] has taken it a step further to stage this symposium to disseminate information to the wider community.  Jenny York from the Woodduck group[21] [22]spoke earlier, there are Cameby Hall group people here today and there are examples further afield.

The greatest role for a small community group is to offer local moral support and associate with a larger organisation for resourcing and advocacy to government.
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People are not all the same and different people group together because of common interests and values. Some of these values to the peripheral of core principles in objection to current CSG activity don’t make it possible for the formation of a super organisation. That is not a weakness, it is just life. Weakness would be the denial of the obvious. We need to focus on what we agree on while recognising the important differences.






We can be united in a core belief and real strength comes from recognising other differences with honesty, respect and civility.

Finally I will repeat my first and most important point. No matter what organisation you have thrown your hat in with it is not the organisation that is most important but the people it helps to support.
Thank you



[20] http://www.molliwell.com.au/LandholdersASCERT™/HCSG.aspx